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The Understanding Was That Asian Americans All Exhibited These Traits: High Income High Educational Level High Family Stability Low Crime Rate Civil Rights, "Bad" Versus "Good" People of Color

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Unfortunately, wealth in this country is unequally distributed by race—and particularly between white and black households. African American families have a fraction of the wealth of white families, leaving them more economically insecure and with far fewer opportunities for economic mobility. As this report documents, even after considering positive factors such as increased education levels, African Americans have less wealth than whites

Less wealth translates into fewer opportunities for upward mobility and is compounded by lower income levels and fewer chances to build wealth or pass accumulated wealth down to future generations.

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Racial differences in health date back to some of our earliest health records in the United States with blacks (or African Americans) having poorer health than whites across a broad range of health status indicators. This paper highlights some of the important contributions of sociologists to understanding racial inequities in health. It begins with a brief description of the findings of a seminal study conducted by the African American sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois in the late 19th century. It shows how later sociologists have built on this work by elaborating on the ways in which socioeconomic status (SES), racism and migration affect racial differences in health. The implications of this sociological research for policies to reduce disparities in health are also considered. Sociological research seeking to understand how and why these large racial differences in health persist has attempted to delineate what “race” is. The U.S. Government's Office of Management and Budget (OMB) currently recognizes five racial categories (white, black or African American, American Indian or Alaskan Native, Asian, and Native Hawaiian and other Pacific Islander) and Hispanic or Latino, an ethnic category

Early research on racial differences in health viewed all observed disparities as reflecting biological differences between racial groups. Views of race that focus on biology can divert attention from the social origins of disease, reinforce social norms of racial inferiority, and promote the maintenance of the status quo. If racial differences in health are caused by inherent genetic differences, then social policies and structures that initiate and sustain the production of disease are absolved from responsibility. Sociologists have also emphasized that science is not value free and that preconceived opinions, political agendas and cultural norms, consciously or unconsciously, can shape scientific research by determining which research questions are asked and which projects are funded.

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The ways in which race, racial prejudice, and race discrimination shape the human experience have long been of interest in psychology and the other social sciences. The purpose of this review is threefold. First, we briefly examine the disconcerting evidence for increasing Black/White disparities in health despite the radical changes over the past 50 years in race-based civil rights in the United States (Walker et al. 2004). Next, we explore the notion that African Americans’ continuing experiences with racism, discrimination, and possibly social exclusion may account for some proportion of these health disparities (Clark & Adams 2004; Everson-Rose & Lewis 2005; Guyll et al

2001; Harrell et al. 2003). Finally, we focus on three emerging perspectives that locate health disparities in the external influences of social space and the internal effects of body and brain functioning. These latter approaches reflect the growing interdisciplinary nature of research models that attempt to explain the continuing legacy of physical health disparities that harmfully affect African Americans. Our aim is to raise several important questions about the ways in which psychology can engage in a plan of research to address health disparities from race-based discrimination and also take a leadership role in informing the development of social policies that will help American society to accelerate its pace of changing negative race-based attitudes and associated social policies. From the perspective of discrimination models, the causal mechanism linking racial/ethnic minority status and health disadvantage is thought to lie in the harmful effects of chronic experiences with race-based discrimination, both actual and perceived. These experiences are thought to set into motion a process of physiological responses (e.g., elevated blood pressure and heart rate, production of biochemical reactions, hypervigilance) that eventually result in disease and mortality. In attempting to elucidate the negative health outcome mechanisms of race-based discrimination, the effects of both overt and anticipated or perceived experiences of race-based discrimination have been examined. Studies of overt or manifest discrimination typically measure events occurring at the individual level by asking respondents if they have been “treated badly or unfairly,” “differently,” or are somehow “disadvantaged” relative to others based on their racial or ethnic background.

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In a word, the Japanese were on of the more discriminated groups

According the Asian American Media, “They inherited much of the new prejudice directed previously against the Chinese, especially as the Japanese moved from internment farm laborers to become owners of farms and small businesses.” Laws passed in early nineteen hundreds stopped Japanese from becoming citizens and some laws later tool away their right to own land.

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The changing landscape for the elimination of racial/ethnic health status disparities. Walker B, Mays VM, Warren R J Health Care Poor Underserved. 2004 Nov; 15(4):506-21.

Moderating effects of perceived racism on John Henryism and blood pressure reactivity in Black female college students. Clark R, Adams JH Ann Behav Med. 2004 Oct; 28(2):126-31.

Psychosocial factors and cardiovascular diseases. Everson-Rose SA, Lewis TT Annu Rev Public Health. 2005; 26():469-500.

Physiological responses to racism and discrimination: an assessment of the evidence. Harrell JP, Hall S, Taliaferro J Am J Public Health. 2003 Feb; 93(2):243-8

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